日軍在占領南京后也曾進行過殺人比賽，日本媒體的報道：



（1937年12月13日，南京淪陷，在華中派遣軍司令松井石根和第6師團長谷壽夫的指揮下，日軍進行了慘絕人寰的大屠殺。其中兩名日本軍官相約殺人競賽，誰先殺滿100人為勝者，比賽的獎品僅僅是一瓶葡萄酒。
事件詳情： 日軍第16師團步兵19旅團第9聯(lián)隊第3大隊的兩個少尉軍官——野田毅、向井敏明，直到南京紫金山下相遇，野田毅殺了105人，向井敏明殺了106人。又因不確定是誰先達到殺100人之數(shù)，決定這次比賽不分勝負，重新比賽誰殺滿150名中國人。）

Since the Hamas attack triggered the devastating IDF reprisal, the entire region has been sliding ever closer to the abyss

自從哈馬斯襲擊引發(fā)以色列國防軍的毀滅性報復以來，整個地區(qū)已經(jīng)滑向深淵

A year ago, at around 6:30am local time on October 7, 2023, Palestinian groups launched Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, during which an estimated 2,500 to over 5,000 rockets were fired from Gaza into Israel.

一年前，即2023年10月7日當?shù)貢r間早上6點30分左右，巴勒斯坦團體發(fā)動了“阿克薩洪水行動”，估計有2500至5000多枚火箭彈從加沙發(fā)射到以色列。

Following this barrage, more than 2,000 armed fighters infiltrated Israeli territory by land, sea, and air, targeting kibbutzim and the city of Sderot. Around 1,200 Israelis were killed, including hundreds of people at a music festival, and 242 people were taken hostage.

隨后，超過 2000 名武裝人員通過陸、海、空等渠道侵入以色列領土，襲擊基布茲和斯德洛特市。約 1200 名以色列人被殺，其中包括數(shù)百名參加音樂節(jié)的人，242 人被劫持為人質(zhì)。

In response, the Israeli government, for the first time since 1973, declared martial law and launched Operation Iron Swords in Gaza. This day marked the beginning of a new phase of escalation in the long-standing Middle Eastern conflict, which has since spread beyond Israel and Palestine, dividing the global community into supporters and critics of Israeli policies.

作為回應，以色列政府自 1973 年以來首次宣布戒嚴，并在加沙發(fā)起“鐵劍行動”。這一天標志著中東長期沖突進入新階段，沖突已蔓延至以色列和巴勒斯坦之外，將國際社會分為以色列政策的支持者和批評者。

Divided Israel
By October 7, 2024, on the anniversary of the tragic events, the streets of Tel Aviv, Israel’s financial and cultural center, were adorned with Israeli flags bearing the Hebrew words ‘Beyachad Nenatze’ach’ (together we will win).

分裂的以色列
到 2024 年 10 月 7 日，即這場悲劇事件發(fā)生周年紀念日，以色列金融和文化中心特拉維夫的街道上掛滿了以色列國旗，上面寫著希伯來語“Beyachad Nenatze'ach”（團結(jié)起來我們將取得勝利）。

Yet, the reality on the ground told a more complex story. Families of hostages held in Gaza called for negotiations to secure their release, even if it meant ending the war with Hamas, while posters of fallen soldiers demanded the continuation of the war until “complete victory.”
This split in Israeli society reflects a profound dilemma. Should the release of hostages come at the cost of ending the war?

然而，現(xiàn)實情況卻更為復雜。被關押在加沙的人質(zhì)家屬呼吁通過談判確保釋放人質(zhì)，即使這意味著結(jié)束與哈馬斯的戰(zhàn)爭，而陣亡士兵的海報則要求繼續(xù)戰(zhàn)爭，直到“徹底勝利”。
以色列社會的分裂反映出一種深刻的困境：釋放人質(zhì)是否應該以結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭為代價？
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Even before October 7, Israeli society was deeply divided, with months of protests against the government’s proposed judicial reforms. Major cities were gripped by mass demonstrations against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-right government. His opponents accused him of attempting to dismantle Israel’s democratic political structure and turn the country into his personal stronghold, with himself as a de facto monarch.

早在 10 月 7 日之前，以色列社會就已嚴重分裂，政府提出的司法改革抗議活動已持續(xù)數(shù)月。各大城市爆發(fā)大規(guī)模示威活動，反對總理本杰明·內(nèi)塔尼亞胡的極右翼政府。他的反對者指責他試圖破壞以色列的民主政治結(jié)構(gòu)，把這個國家變成他的私人堡壘，他自己則是事實上的君主。

After the October 7 tragedy, Israeli society fell into deep shock, and many felt that the government was failing to manage the crisis. In response, emergency civil centers were set up to handle everything from raising funds for the army to providing shelter for thousands of people who had been displaced from their homes. These efforts even extended to replacing immigrant laborers on farms who had left due to the war.

10 月 7 日的悲劇發(fā)生后，以色列社會陷入深深的震驚，許多人認為政府未能妥善處理危機。為了應對這一情況，以色列政府設立了緊急民事中心，負責處理從為軍隊籌集資金到為數(shù)千名流離失所者提供住所等一切事務。這些努力甚至延伸到取代那些因戰(zhàn)爭而離開農(nóng)場的移民勞工。

In many ways, civil society and private initiatives took on roles that the government could not fulfill, believing that only they could truly support the country. At first, it seemed as though Israeli society was united in its grief.

在許多方面，民間社會和私人組織承擔了政府無法履行的職責，認為只有他們才能真正支持國家。起初，以色列社會似乎在悲痛中團結(jié)一致。
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A year later, that sense of unity has largely dissipated. Old divisions have resurfaced, now centered on the war with Hamas and the fate of the hostages held in Gaza. Support for deals to release the hostages has become synonymous with opposition to Netanyahu’s handling of the war.

一年后，這種團結(jié)感已基本消散。舊有的分歧再次浮現(xiàn)，現(xiàn)在集中在與哈馬斯的戰(zhàn)爭和被關押在加沙的人質(zhì)命運上。支持釋放人質(zhì)協(xié)議已成為反對內(nèi)塔尼亞胡處理戰(zhàn)爭方式的代名詞。

Families of the hostages are increasingly attacked, both on social media and in real life, subjected to insults and even physical assaults. They are labeled ‘smolanim’ (leftists), a term that has long carried derogatory connotations in certain parts of Israeli society. For many supporters of Israel’s far-right government, the campaign for the hostages’ release is viewed as a tool used by the opposition to undermine Netanyahu’s administration.

人質(zhì)家屬在社交媒體和現(xiàn)實生活中受到越來越多的攻擊，遭受侮辱甚至人身攻擊。他們被稱為“smolanim”（左派），這個詞在以色列社會的某些領域長期以來一直帶有貶義。對于許多以色列極右翼政府的支持者來說，釋放人質(zhì)的活動被視為反對派用來破壞內(nèi)塔尼亞胡政府的工具。

Amid the deadliest terrorist attack in Israel’s history and the ensuing war with Hamas, the ongoing conflict with Hezbollah in the north, and tens of thousands of displaced Israelis, a crucial question arises: Do Israelis feel any safer?

以色列遭遇了歷史上最慘重的恐怖襲擊，隨后又與哈馬斯爆發(fā)戰(zhàn)爭，與北部真主黨持續(xù)不斷的沖突，數(shù)以萬計的以色列人流離失所，一個至關重要的問題浮現(xiàn)出來：以色列人是否感到更安全了？

According to a survey conducted by the Institute for National Security Studies in September 2024, 31% of Israelis reported feeling ‘low’ or ‘very low’ levels of security, while only 21% felt ‘high’ or ‘very high’ levels of safety.

根據(jù)國家安全研究所 2024 年 9 月進行的一項調(diào)查，31% 的以色列人表示感覺安全水平“低”或“非常低”，而只有 21% 的人感覺安全水平“高”或“非常高”。

Even before the events of October 7, the emigration rate from Israel had been rising. According to Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics, more citizens left the country in 2023 than in the previous year, and preliminary data for 2024 indicates a further increase in emigration.

早在 10 月 7 日事件發(fā)生之前，以色列的移民率就一直在上升。根據(jù)以色列中央統(tǒng)計局的數(shù)據(jù)，2023 年離開該國的公民數(shù)量比上一年更多，而 2024 年的初步數(shù)據(jù)顯示移民人數(shù)將進一步增加。

Despite the societal rift, Tel Aviv’s streets remain covered with stickers bearing the faces, names, and stories of those who perished on October 7 or during the ongoing war in Gaza. Perhaps these stories are the last thread holding together an increasingly divided Israeli society in these challenging times.

盡管社會分裂，特拉維夫的街道上仍然貼滿了貼紙，上面寫著 10 月 7 日或加沙持續(xù)戰(zhàn)爭中遇難者的面孔、姓名和故事。也許這些故事是在這個充滿挑戰(zhàn)的時代將日益分裂的以色列社會凝聚在一起的最后一根紐帶。

Division abroad: How has international support for Israel changed?
A year after the events of October 7, 2023, international support for Israel has significantly shifted, creating divisions among key global players. While many countries initially expressed solidarity with Israel in its fight against Hamas, as the conflict escalated and civilian casualties rose, the situation became increasingly tense in Europe, Africa, and other parts of the world.

國外分裂：國際社會對以色列的支持發(fā)生了怎樣的變化？
2023 年 10 月 7 日事件發(fā)生一年后，國際社會對以色列的支持發(fā)生了重大轉(zhuǎn)變，導致全球主要參與者之間出現(xiàn)分歧。盡管許多國家最初都聲援以色列打擊哈馬斯，但隨著沖突升級和平民傷亡增加，歐洲、非洲和世界其他地區(qū)的局勢愈發(fā)緊張。

The US remains Israel’s main ally, with President Joe Biden repeatedly emphasizing Israel’s right to self-defense. However, even within the US, protests against the Israeli military operations began to emerge, particularly on university campuses and among left-wing activists, weakening public support somewhat.

美國仍是以色列的主要盟友，拜登總統(tǒng)多次強調(diào)以色列的自衛(wèi)權。然而，即便在美國國內(nèi)，反對以色列軍事行動的抗議也開始出現(xiàn)，尤其是在大學校園和左翼活動人士中，這在一定程度上削弱了公眾對以色列的支持。

In Europe, attitudes toward the conflict also evolved. While countries such as Germany, France, and the UK supported Israel at the outset, the escalating violence drew criticism from European leaders. Several EU countries, including Norway, Ireland, Spain, and Slovenia, recognized Palestine as an independent state, intensifying pressure on Israel. Mass protests in support of the Palestinians also took place in London, Berlin, Paris, and other cities across Europe.

在歐洲，對沖突的態(tài)度也發(fā)生了變化。盡管德國、法國和英國等國家一開始支持以色列，但不斷升級的暴力事件引起了歐洲領導人的批評。挪威、愛爾蘭、西班牙、斯洛文尼亞等多個歐盟國家承認巴勒斯坦為獨立國家，加大對以色列的壓力，倫敦、柏林、巴黎等歐洲多地也爆發(fā)聲援巴勒斯坦的大規(guī)?？棺h活動。

One of the most notable international reactions was a lawsuit filed by South Africa against Israel in the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
On December 29, 2023, South Africa lodged a complaint accusing Israel of GENO.... in Gaza, based on the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of GENO.....

最引人注目的國際反應之一是南非向國際法院對以色列提起的訴訟。
2023 年 12 月 29 日，南非根據(jù)《防止及懲治滅絕種族罪公約》提出申訴，指控以色列在加沙實施種族滅絕。

This lawsuit also called for an end to military action in Gaza and demanded access to humanitarian aid. It is important to note that South Africa acted under the principle of ‘erga omnes partes’, allowing it to file the complaint even though it was not directly affected by the conflict – but as a signatory to the GENO.... Convention, it has an obligation to prevent GENO.....

訴訟還要求停止對加沙的軍事行動，并要求獲得人道主義援助。值得注意的是，南非遵循“對各方均適用”的原則，即使沒有直接受到?jīng)_突的影響，也可以提起訴訟——但作為《防止及懲治滅絕種族罪公約》的簽署國，南非有義務防止種族滅絕。

South Africa also withdrew its diplomats from Tel Aviv and organized protests at home, where anti-apartheid sentiments historically run strong. The government drew parallels between the fight against apartheid and the Palestinian struggle, which further fueled anti-Israel sentiments.

南非還從特拉維夫撤回了外交官，并在國內(nèi)組織抗議活動，而國內(nèi)反種族隔離情緒歷來十分強烈。南非政府將反對種族隔離的斗爭與巴勒斯坦人的斗爭相提并論，這進一步助長了反以色列情緒。

Several countries, including Turkey, Spain, Mexico, and Libya, have indicated their intent to join South Africa’s lawsuit, underscoring the growing global support for this legal process.

土耳其、西班牙、墨西哥和利比亞等多個國家已表示有意加入南非的訴訟，凸顯出全球?qū)@一法律程序的支持日益增多。

Russia has taken a cautious and balanced stance since the events of October 7, 2023. President Vladimir Putin condemned terrorism and expressed condolences over the Israeli victims, but emphasized the need for a peaceful resolution. Moscow, which traditionally supports the Palestinians’ right to self-determination, reiterated the importance of a two-state solution under international law and called for an end to the violence and the start of negotiations.

自2023年10月7日事件發(fā)生以來，俄羅斯一直采取謹慎、平衡的立場?？偨y(tǒng)弗拉基米爾·普京譴責恐怖主義，對以色列受害者表示哀悼，但強調(diào)需要和平解決。傳統(tǒng)上支持巴勒斯坦人自決權利的莫斯科重申了根據(jù)國際法實現(xiàn)兩國解決方案的重要性，并呼吁停止暴力并開始談判。

Protests against Israel’s actions took place globally, from Europe and North America to the Middle East and Asia. In countries with large Muslim populations, such as Indonesia, Pakistan, and Turkey, protests were particularly widespread. These demonstrations called for sanctions against Israel and demanded stronger international action to protect Palestinians.

抗議以色列行為的浪潮席卷全球，從歐洲、北美到中東和亞洲，在穆斯林人口眾多的國家，如印度尼西亞、巴基斯坦和土耳其，抗議浪潮尤為洶涌。這些示威活動呼吁對以色列實施制裁，并要求國際社會采取更強有力的行動保護巴勒斯坦人。

On the brink of total war
A year after the events of October 7, 2023, the conflict between Israel and Palestinian factions has not only failed to subside but has also significantly expanded, engulfing the entire Middle East region. The ongoing military operations in Gaza, Israel’s reluctance to engage in negotiations with Hamas, and the recent assassinations of senior Hezbollah leaders and other radical figures have escalated tensions, bringing the region closer to a full-scale war.

全面戰(zhàn)爭的邊緣
2023年10月7日事件發(fā)生一年后，以色列和巴勒斯坦各派之間的沖突不僅沒有平息，反而顯著擴大，席卷了整個中東地區(qū)。
加沙持續(xù)的軍事行動、以色列不愿與哈馬斯進行談判以及最近真主黨高層領導人和其他激進人物的遇刺事件加劇了緊張局勢，使該地區(qū)接近全面戰(zhàn)爭。

Despite numerous international calls for a ceasefire and hostage exchange, Israel continues its war with Hamas, showing little interest in diplomatic negotiations. Lengthy and complex negotiations over hostages, in which Hamas proposed various exchange options while Israel delayed decisions or imposed additional conditions, serve as an example.

盡管國際社會多次呼吁?；鸷徒粨Q人質(zhì)，以色列仍然繼續(xù)與哈馬斯交戰(zhàn)，對外交談判興趣不大。一個例子是有關人質(zhì)的漫長而復雜的談判，其中哈馬斯提出了各種交換方案，而以色列則推遲決定或施加附加條件。

US officials have frequently criticized Israel for dragging out negotiations, and members of the Biden administration have expressed frustration, stating that Netanyahu’s hardline stance complicates diplomatic efforts for a truce and increases the risk of conflict escalation.

美國官員頻頻批評以色列拖延談判，拜登政府成員也對此表示不滿，稱內(nèi)塔尼亞胡的強硬立場使?；鸬耐饨慌ψ兊脧碗s，并增加了沖突升級的風險。

In 2024, Israel intensified its military operations beyond Gaza. One of the most significant events was the elimination of Ismail Haniyeh, one of the leaders of Hamas, along with Hezbollah’s secretary-general, Hassan Nasrallah. These assassinations provoked immediate retaliation from Lebanon and Iran. Israel has already been targeted by direct missile strikes from Iran twice, heightening fears of an imminent direct military confrontation between the two nations.

2024年，以色列加強了對加沙以外的軍事行動。其中最重要的事件之一是消滅了哈馬斯領導人之一伊斯梅爾·哈尼亞和真主黨秘書長哈桑·納斯魯拉。這些暗殺事件立即引發(fā)了黎巴嫩和伊朗的報復。以色列已經(jīng)兩次遭到伊朗導彈的直接襲擊，這加劇了人們對兩國即將發(fā)生直接軍事沖突的擔憂。

Alongside operations against Hamas, Israel launched an invasion of Lebanon, encountering fierce resistance from Hezbollah. The fighting has resulted in substantial losses on both sides, including civilian casualties. In this context, the international community is increasingly concerned about the possibility of Israeli strikes on Iran, which could trigger a full-scale regional war involving the US.

在打擊哈馬斯的同時，以色列還入侵黎巴嫩，遭到真主黨的激烈抵抗。戰(zhàn)斗雙方都損失慘重，包括平民傷亡。在此背景下，國際社會愈發(fā)擔心以色列襲擊伊朗的可能性，從而引發(fā)美國卷入的全面地區(qū)戰(zhàn)爭。

The world watches with bated breath as analysts warn that an Israeli strike on Iran could drag the US into a Middle Eastern conflict. Washington is unprepared for such a scenario, but its alliance with Israel complicates its diplomatic maneuvering. US officials have repeatedly called on Israel to exercise restraint, understanding that escalation could have catastrophic consequences for the entire region.

全世界都屏息關注，分析人士警告稱，以色列襲擊伊朗可能將美國拖入中東沖突。華盛頓對這種情況毫無準備，但與以色列的聯(lián)盟使其外交行動變得復雜。美國官員一再呼吁以色列保持克制，因為他們明白局勢升級可能給整個地區(qū)帶來災難性后果。
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Netanyahu faces a daunting challenge – consolidating power at home while diminishing the influence of the opposition, which criticizes him for failing to protect citizens from terrorist attacks. Israel’s internal instability, driven by political divisions, is compounded by external threats from Iran and its proxy groups across the ‘Axis of Resistance’.

內(nèi)塔尼亞胡面臨著一項艱巨的挑戰(zhàn)——鞏固國內(nèi)權力，同時削弱反對派的影響力。反對派批評他未能保護公民免受恐怖襲擊。以色列內(nèi)部不穩(wěn)定，政治分歧加劇，而來自伊朗及其“抵抗軸心”代理團體的外部威脅則加劇了這種不穩(wěn)定。

Netanyahu’s strategy aims to address two key issues. On the one hand, he seeks to weaken Iranian influence in the region, viewing Iran as the primary threat to Israel’s security. On the other hand, he strives to maintain control over the domestic political situation, using military operations as a way to strengthen his hold on power and counter opposition criticism.

內(nèi)塔尼亞胡的戰(zhàn)略旨在解決兩個關鍵問題。一方面，他試圖削弱伊朗在該地區(qū)的影響力，將伊朗視為以色列安全的主要威脅。另一方面，他努力保持對國內(nèi)政治局勢的控制，利用軍事行動加強對權力的控制并反擊反對派的批評。

A year after the start of the conflict, the situation in the Middle East has only deteriorated. The military operations in Gaza, the invasion of Lebanon, and the growing tensions with Iran pose the threat of a full-scale regional conflict that could extend beyond the Middle East, potentially involving major global powers, including the US.

沖突爆發(fā)一年后，中東局勢持續(xù)惡化。加沙的軍事行動、入侵黎巴嫩以及與伊朗日益緊張的關系，構(gòu)成了一場全面地區(qū)沖突的威脅，沖突可能超出中東范圍，甚至可能涉及包括美國在內(nèi)的全球主要大國。

Despite diplomatic efforts, the conflict continues to expand, and its consequences could be devastating for the entire region. Many believe that no one truly wants war – Iran shows restraint, the US and other players seek diplomatic solutions, and it seems that only Netanyahu and his circle are willing to go to any lengths to achieve their goals.

盡管做出了外交努力，沖突仍在繼續(xù)擴大，其后果可能對整個地區(qū)造成毀滅性的影響。許多人認為，沒有人真正想要戰(zhàn)爭——伊朗保持克制，美國和其他參與者尋求外交解決方案，似乎只有內(nèi)塔尼亞胡和他的圈子愿意不惜一切代價實現(xiàn)他們的目標。